Great Conservatives from American History #14: Phil Crane

In a recent post, I covered an Illinois Republican who dramatically departed from conservative orthodoxy. Today’s post is about a figure who could be said to have been a trailblazer for Reagan conservatism: Philip Miller Crane (1930-2014) of Illinois.


The son of newspaper columnist Dr. George W. Crane, who wrote the advice column “The Worry Clinic”, Crane carried his father’s conservative beliefs with him and was a Republican not only by ideology but by family legacy. Crane recounted, “My dad made sure that we shook hands with him [his great-grandfather], because he shook hands with Abraham Lincoln. In 1858, he went over to Danville in a covered wagon and sat in Lincoln’s lap. And Lincoln patted him on the head and shook his hand and said, ‘You know, you’re a fine young Republican, boy, and you stick with it.’ So we were knee-jerk Republicans because of that inheritance” (Loerzel). Dr. Crane would bring Phil to campaign for Republicans from a young age, including Alf Landon in 1936. Dr. Crane “felt Roosevelt had destroyed the republic”, and Phil himself condemned FDR for bringing “people to the nonsense belief that somehow you can get something for nothing out of Washington” (Loerzel). Crane served in the army from 1954 to 1956 and in 1961, he earned a PhD in history and subsequently became a professor at Bradley University, where he set up University Professors for Barry Goldwater. In 1964, he worked on the Goldwater campaign conducting research and published “The Democrat’s Dilemma” alleging heavy socialist influence on the Democratic Party. Crane was from that point forward active in the conservative movement, and recounted attacks against Goldwater supporters from other professors, “They charged that anyone supporting Goldwater was an incipient fascist, racist, anti-Semite. I didn’t mind the slings and arrows…I just redoubled my efforts” (Loerzel).


Crane to Congress

In 1969, Congressman Donald Rumsfeld resigned from his seat in the Chicago suburbs to head the Office of Economic Opportunity. Crane ran for the seat on a platform of never voting to raise taxes, and although he was not favored by the party establishment, he won. State Representative Bernie Pedersen said of him in 1992, “He’s a brilliant guy. He had a lot of appeal personally. He’s very articulate. In the beginning, if you asked him a question, he’d give you a 15-minute answer, like he was still a professor” (Loerzel). In Congress, he quickly established himself as an energetic advocate of conservative causes on numerous fronts. Crane was one of the founders of and served as chairman of the Republican Study Committee from 1973 to 1989, which was created to push the GOP leadership in a more conservative direction. He also helped found the Heritage Foundation in 1973 and hosted the show Conservative Viewpoint. From 1977 to 1979, he chaired the American Conservative Union, and he was quite ideologically fit to do so; In most of his years in Congress Crane received 100% scores from the organization. Indeed, his lifetime score would be a 99%. On May 26, 1972, he was one of only seven representatives to vote against authorizing the President to approve of the interim SALT Treaty with the USSR. Crane only once voted for a foreign aid bill: in 1974 the International Development Association bill included his amendment legalizing private ownership of gold, which took effect on December 31, 1974. That year, he successfully pushed for the only public and filmed audit of the U.S. Bullion Depository at Fort Knox, in which 12 members of Congress and 100 journalists participated on September 19th (Ganz). He was also involved in the successful effort to re-legalize gold clauses in contracts in 1977. Although his constituents repeatedly reelected him, Crane had critics in his district. His Democratic opponent in 1992, Sheila Smith, held that “Phil lives in an ivory tower. He entered it when he was teaching in the 1950s, and he never came out. (But) the real world doesn’t work that way” (Loerzel).


Although Crane had voted for the Equal Rights Amendment in 1971, he turned against it after Roe v. Wade and with the rise of the Stop ERA movement. Indeed, he was a staunch opponent of abortion throughout his career. During the Carter Administration, Crane was one of the leading figures against the Panama Canal treaties and the proposed SALT II Treaty. In 1978, his brother, Daniel, joined him in Congress. Dan Crane would vote almost identically to Phil, however he would lose reelection in 1984 due to him having an affair with a 17-year-old female page.

Running for President

In 1976, Crane endorsed Ronald Reagan’s challenge to Gerald Ford and chaired Illinois Citizens for Reagan. However, this didn’t stop this rising Republican star from announcing a presidential run in 1979. Unfortunately for Crane, he had made a powerful enemy who was supporting Ronald Reagan: William Loeb. Loeb’s newspaper, the Manchester Union-Leader, began publishing numerous anonymous accusations about Crane’s personal life and these dogged his already underdog campaign (Loerzel). Crane would endorse Reagan after dropping out. Rep. Mike Pence (R-Ind.) would tell in a tribute to Crane in 2004 why he ran, “I will never forget the evening sitting on the House floor when Congressman Crane told me the story of that night. He said, “We all just figured that one day Governor Reagan would look at Nancy and say, ‘I think, Mommy, we should just go and retire to the ranch.’ Ronald Reagan and history had different intentions, but as he has always been throughout his career, Phil Crane was ready to stand in the gap,” Pence said. “And when Ronald Reagan made his candidacy a reality, Phil Crane stayed in the race to honor his delegates from Illinois who had supported their favorite son, but he was one of the strongest supporters of President Reagan in 1980, enabling and assisting in his election and also being one of the great champions of the Reagan revolution from the minority here on Capitol Hill” (Sweet).


Subsequent Time in Congress

After the 1980 election, Crane, although as rigidly conservative as ever and his views becoming more in vogue, he was becoming eclipsed by other conservative advocates, such as Newt Gingrich. This was noted in the 1992 edition of “The Almanac of American Politics”, “There is an anomaly to his career. At the same time as his beliefs — in free-market economics, in a strong national defense, in traditional American ideals have been sweeping the country and the world, his own influence has been woefully meager and he continues to languish mostly unnoticed, despite 20-plus years of seniority, on back benches” (Loerzel). He remained a fighter for conservatism and if there was conservative opposition to be had to legislation, even if only a small group was opposing, he could usually be found among that minority. Although Crane had voted for the Balanced Budget Amendment in 1982 as well as repeated budget reduction proposals, he voted against the Gramm-Hollings-Rudman Balanced Budget Act in 1985. In some instances, he proved relevant, such as winning a repeal on the ban on chewing gum with the U.S.-Singapore Free Trade Agreement in 2003.


Personal Issues

In 1982, Crane was arrested for drunk driving in California but was found not guilty in June 1983. By the 1990s, his drinking had been on an upswing, which he attributed to the death of his 17-year-old daughter from cancer and his quitting of smoking cold turkey after 50 years (Sweet). In 2000, he admitted to being an alcoholic, drinking up to ten beers in a night, and successfully sought treatment. Although being senior to California’s Bill Thomas, he was passed over for the chairmanship of the House Ways and Means Committee, instead getting the vice chairmanship.


The End of the Road


In 2002, Crane faced a surprisingly strong challenge from Democrat Melissa Bean, who ran on him being out of touch with his constituents. Indeed, he had no public email address and numerous Republican voters said that they hadn’t seen him in decades. Although Crane won reelection, Bean had gotten 43% of the vote. In 2004, she tried again, and although President Bush carried the district by 12 points that year, Bean defeated him by about four points. The district, which has since been redistricted to favor Democrats considerably, has remained represented by Democrats for all except Joe Walsh’s term from 2011 to 2013. Crane died of lung cancer on November 8, 2014.

Overall


Crane was one of those conservatives who was instrumental in building up the conservative organizations that helped bring about the rise of conservatism in the United States. This, plus his stalwart record, his restoring the legality of gold ownership, and length of service, have earned him a place among the great conservatives of American history. Crane incidentally also scores a 99% on the MC-Index.


P.S.: My father has told me that my grandmother, who lived for some time in Crane’s district, had quite an argument with him. The subject of the argument is unknown to me.


References


Ganz, D.L. (2014, November 20). Right to own gold due to Phil Crane. Numismatic News.


Retrieved from


https://www.numismaticnews.net/archive/right-to-own-gold-due-to-phil-crane


Loerzel, R. (1992, September 17). A profile of conservative Congressman Philip Crane. Pioneer Press.


Retrieved from


https://www.robertloerzel.com/1992/09/17/a-profile-of-conservative-congressman-philip-crane/


Skiba, K. (2014, November 9). Longtime congressman Philip Crane dies at 84. Chicago Tribune.


Retrieved from


https://www.chicagotribune.com/news/obituaries/ct-philip-crane-obit-met-20141109-story.html

Sweet, L. (2014, November 9). Rep. Phil Crane was a pioneer in spreading conservative gospel. Chicago Sun Times.

Retrieved from

https://chicago.suntimes.com/2014/11/9/18473113/rep-phil-crane-was-a-pioneer-in-spreading-conservative-gospel


Tarm, M. (2014, November 9). Former Illinois congressman Phil Crane dies at 84. Associated Press.


Retrieved from


https://apnews.com/article/3a329df5e47d4b45b1c03fac18c7b96c

Americans for Constitutional Action on the 88th Congress, House

The 88th Congress was the product of a midterm that was about as good as President Kennedy could have had. The Democrats lost only a single seat in the House and the Republicans lost three in the Senate. During this Congress, the tragedy that was the JFK assassination occurred. However, perhaps motivated to cooperate with the new administration, they passed a lot of significant measures, including mass transportation legislation, food stamp legislation, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964. However, liberals did face some setbacks, with a vote on extending the Area Redevelopment Act failing, the foreign aid bill being recommitted for further cuts, and an additional appropriation for the International Development Association being recommitted before a second version successfully passed. Notably, this was also the Congress that passed the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution.

1963 100%

Clausen, R-Calif.

Talcott, R-Calif.

Smith, R-Calif.

Clawson, R-Calif.

Haley, D-Fla.

Gurney, R-Fla.

Collier, R-Ill.

McClory, R-Ill.

Rumsfeld, R-Ill.

Hoffman, R-Ill.

Reid, R-Ill.

Anderson, R-Ill.

Michel, R-Ill.

McLoskey, R-Ill.

Findley, R-Ill.

Bruce, R-Ind.

Gross, R-Iowa

Hoeven, R-Iowa

Jensen, R-Iowa

Dole, R-Kan.

Snyder, R-Ky.

Johansen, R-Mich.

Hutchinson, R-Mich.

Curtis, R-Mo.

Hall, R-Mo.

Beermann, R-Neb.

Cunningham, R-Neb.

Martin, R-Neb.

St. George, R-N.Y.

Andrews, R-N.D.

Short, R-N.D.

Clancy, R-Ohio

Betts, R-Ohio

Abele, R-Ohio

Devine, R-Ohio

Ashbrook, R-Ohio

Minshall, R-Ohio

Belcher, R-Okla.

Dague, R-Penn.

Goodling, R-Penn.

Johnson, R-Penn.

Berry, R-S.D.

Alger, R-Tex.

Foreman, R-Tex.

Stinson, R-Wash.

Schadeberg, R-Wis.

1964 100%:

Utt, R-Calif.

Martin, R-Calif.

Gurney, R-Fla.

Reid, R-Ill.

Wilson, R-Ind.

Gross, R-Iowa

Jensen, R-Iowa

Johansen, R-Mich.

Hall, R-Mo.

Beermann, R-Neb.

Baring, D-Nev.

Short, R-N.D.

Ashbrook, R-Ohio

Berry, R-S.D.

Quillen, R-Tenn.

Alger, R-Tex.

Foreman, R-Tex.

Poff, R-Va.

1963 Americans for Constitutional Action Index, House:

1964 Americans for Constitutional Action Index, House:

The Prairie State Maverick: John B. Anderson

I get the sense from reporting on the subject that 2023’s new party, No Labels, is for people who both want a break from Trump and the social justice obsessives and are roughly center to center right in orientation. Liberals and that parade of has-been Biden sycophants known as The Lincoln Project are alarmed by this development and they should be. Third parties tend to be detrimental to the party holding the White House, although the 1948 election was arguably an exception, as the perception of Truman’s distance from the nationally unpopular pro-Soviet Progressive Party and the segregationist State’s Rights (Dixiecrat) Party may have won him votes that would have otherwise gone to Dewey. This exception certainly did not apply to the 1980 election, and a contributing factor to Carter’s loss was a “tell it as it is” style independent candidate in Congressman John B. Anderson (1922-2017) of Illinois.

Anderson in 1965.


When Anderson was first elected to Congress in 1960 from a staunchly conservative rural Illinois district, succeeding longtime conservative Leo Allen, there was little thought that his record would be any different. And indeed, for a time, it wasn’t and if anything, more conservative. From 1961 to 1964, Americans for Democratic Action counted only one selected vote of his favorably: the Civil Rights Act of 1964. In the 87th Congress (1961-1962) Anderson only disagreed with John Birchers John Rousselot and Edgar Hiestand of California on one issue on Americans for Constitutional Action’s 23 selected votes. Indeed, they wrote on him, “He stands firm against the liberal pressures of Washington, the wild spending schemes, and the permissive society offered by the proponents of the Great Society” (Mason, 14). Anderson stood as an intellectual and articulate voice for conservatism in the 1960s, and if we were to look only at his record during the Kennedy and Johnson years, he stands as an easy candidate for a great conservative from American history. Indeed, his record was so impressive to the Republican leadership at the time that they made him number #3 in party leadership in the House as chairman of the House Republican Conference in 1969, the post that Elise Stefanik now occupies and figures such as Gerald Ford, Mike Pence, and Dick Cheney occupied in the past. However, by this point Anderson was already starting to turn away from conservatism.


A Turn to the Left


The classic story is that people who run for Congress pledging to change Washington become more changed by Washington than they change it. This was certainly the case for Anderson. In 1968, he flipped on a highly controversial issue: open housing. As former Congressman Don Manzullo recalls, “He was on the Rules Committee and under a lot of pressure to vote against bringing open housing to the House floor. But he was very touched by the plight of black Americans facing discrimination. At one point, he read a letter from a black husband and wife in Rockford who were teachers and had answered more than 100 advertisements for an apartment. They were turned away from all. That really moved him” (Gizzi). In 1966, Anderson had voted against that year’s civil rights bill over the open housing provisions, regarding it as a homeowner’s right to sell to who they want to sell to, whether their criterion was racially discriminatory or not. However, on April 9, 1968, only five days after MLK’s assassination, he cast the deciding vote for the bill to leave the Rules Committee and move to the floor and from that point forward his record would be consistently in support of civil rights measures. Anderson would repeatedly vote for busing and in 1978 he voted against curbing racial quotas. He also in 1968 voted for the Housing and Urban Development Act, providing extensive housing aid to low-income families along with other provisions. His turn to the left on social issues was also pronounced, as in 1971 he voted against the Wylie School Prayer Amendment; Anderson had previously sponsored multiple amendments for school prayer. Anderson proved supportive of environmental legislation as well, supporting environmental protection of Alaska lands and opposing compliance deadline for vehicle emission standards to 1977 in 1973, voting for a comprehensive land use bill in 1974, and voting to override President Ford’s veto of a strip-mining control bill in 1975. He did, however, regard the Reuss (D-Wis.) proposal in 1972 to require firms to have the latest water pollution control technology by 1980 to be excessive. By contrast, in 1961 Anderson had voted for the Cramer (R-Fla.) proposal to cut grants for water pollution facilities and in 1963 he had voted against the Clean Air Act.


Anderson also went liberal on foreign policy, opposing importing Rhodesian chrome, easing up on opposition to Export-Import Bank loans for communist nations in 1971 (he had voted multiple times against Ex-Im Bank funding for grain purchases for communist nations in 1963), and voted supportively of the Panama Canal treaties in 1976. As opposed to his early-mid 1960s record, he also voted for foreign aid measures. What’s more, he proved supportive of the creation of the Legal Services Corporation and supported a version of a proposed Consumer Protection Agency. To add to the laundry list of key issues Anderson backed that elicited hearty conservative complaints was his votes for New York City bailouts in 1975 and 1978. He bears a good deal of similarity to his Illinois colleague also elected in 1960, Paul Findley, but Anderson’s change was more dramatic.

His 1978 primary opponent, Rev. Don Lyon, came to believe that Anderson’s change was “Like a lot of ambitious Republicans, he wanted The Washington Post and The New York Times to like him. And, he wanted the money of the Rockefellers behind him. So he moved liberal” (Gizzi).

Where Anderson Kept Conservatism

Anderson hadn’t gone full to the left, of course, he voted to sustain many of President Nixon’s spending vetoes and remained a bit wary of anti-poverty and food stamp expenditures; in 1974 he proposed an amendment prohibiting food stamps for college students who were claimed as dependents by their parents. However, Anderson did vote for Nixon’s Family Assistance Plan in 1970. He supported Nixon on the subject of impoundments, a practice his critics regarded as being abused for political reasons and after Watergate Congress passed a severe curb on impoundments. Anderson also backed his 1973 veto a bill increasing the minimum wage and proved an opponent of price controls on oil, voting against the Emergency Energy Act in 1974 and voting for deregulation proposals in 1975 and 1977.

Increasing Dissatisfaction with the GOP

One source of constant support for Anderson despite his turns was the affable Gerald Ford, both as minority leader and as president, but Ford’s loss in 1976 to Carter took him out of the picture. By this point, conservatives were moving forward on primarying moderates and liberals, and they would prove successful in ousting Senators Clifford Case of New Jersey and Jacob Javits of New York in 1978 and 1980 respectively. Although Anderson bested his conservative primary challenger in 1978 by almost 10,000 votes, he was feeling done with Congress.

Anderson for President

Anderson in 1980

Anderson was getting a rather tired of the House and he had in 1979 been moved out of leadership in favor of arch-conservative Samuel Devine of Ohio. He resolved to either win the Republican nomination for president or be out of political office after 1980.


Anderson was often the odd man out in the Republican primary, bucking numerous conservative shibboleths in the primary debates. He supported raising the gas tax and supported the licensing of firearms (Neuman). Anderson also opposed lowering income taxes and supported the ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment, which at this point had become associated with abortion. And yes, Anderson did support government funding of abortions. However, Anderson, like other Republicans, focused against inflation. He hit both Carter and Reagan, for the former calling him a “mean and evasive” campaigner who was using recession to fight inflation, and he regarded Reagan as a dispenser of “slick and simplistic” campaign one-liners (Neuman). Anderson presented an alternative for the Republican Party’s weakening liberal wing. As the Washington Post noted at the time, “Anderson has built his success so far around what he calls “the Anderson Difference” — a willingness to take firm, sharp stands on such controversial questions as gasoline taxes and gun control (which he favors) and the MX missile system (which he opposes). Paradoxically, his position on the economy is not as distinct, because it consists of a complex mixture of orthodox Republican conservatism and liberal activism” (The Washington Post). After losing the primary, Anderson couldn’t back Reagan, but he wasn’t giving up yet.

Instead of backing Reagan, he runs as an Independent, focusing on his liberal positions to bleed support from Carter. However, he is no match in a debate with him. Anderson also selects a rather odd choice for running mate in Wisconsin’s former Democratic Governor Patrick Lucey. Ultimately, the Anderson-Lucey ticket only nets 6.6% of the popular vote in the general election. His ticket, does, however, have an interesting impact. It puts Reagan over the top in some states that he may not otherwise have won. In the following states Reagan’s margin of victory was less than the Anderson vote:

Arkansas

Connecticut

Delaware

Maine

Massachusetts (Reagan barely won the state while Anderson got 15% of the vote)

Michigan

Mississippi

New York

North Carolina

South Carolina

Tennessee

Vermont (Reagan won by six but Anderson got 15% of the vote)


Anderson would later sue the state of Ohio for their early filing deadline for independent candidates, and the statute was struck down by the Supreme Court in Anderson v. Celebrezze (1983) as unconstitutional. His foremost regret in Congress was his vote for the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution in 1964.

By 1984, Anderson had left the Republican Party and endorsed Democratic nominee Walter Mondale. He remained a political independent albeit a left-leaning one: in 2000, he endorsed Ralph Nader and in 2008 he supported Barack Obama for president. In 2012, Anderson played a minor role in the creation of the left-wing Justice Party, which ran former Salt Lake City Mayor Rocky Anderson for president. In 1992, he had founded Citizens for Proportional Representation, which has since changed its name to FairVote. This organization calls for instant run-off voting and proportional representation as well as universal voter registration. Anderson also voiced opposition to the Tea Party movement in 2010, stating, “I break out in a cold sweat at the thought that any of those people might prevail” (Clymer). Anderson died on December 3, 2017.


Just as a note of curiosity. The 1979 and 1980 ACA scores I have not mapped out, although information available on Voteview’s legacy website indicates Anderson’s 1979 and 1980 official ACA-Index scores.

ACA (Modified)ADA (Modified)
Kennedy-Johnson Era
19611000
1962910
19631000
1964798
19659112
1966880
19678113
19686817
Average876
Nixon-Carter Era
19693836
19706829
19716336
19724354
19734238
19743338
19755861
19763353
19773847
19784465
197937 (Official)80
19800 (Official)100
Average4253

References

For my citations of votes, check my posted ACA-Indexes of the years I mention.

Voting Record Supplement (1964). ADA World 19(1).

Retrieved from

Clymer, A. (2017, December 4). John Anderson, Who Ran Against Reagan and Carter in 1980, Is Dead at 95. The New York Times.

Retrieved from

https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/04/us/politics/john-anderson-who-ran-against-reagan-and-carter-in-1980-is-dead-at-95.html

Gehrke, R. (2011, November 30). Rocky Anderson returns – this time shooting for president. The Salt Lake Tribune.

Retrieved from

Gizzi, J. (2017, December 24). Remembering Ex-Rep. John B. Anderson: Why Did He Move From Hard Right to Strong Left? NewsMax.

Retrieved from

https://www.newsmax.com/johngizzi/john-b-anderson-independent-republicans-democrats/2017/12/24/id/833591/

Greenfield, J. (2017, December 28). John B. Anderson: The Great Independent Hope. Politico.

Retrieved from

https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2017/12/28/john-b-anderson-illinois-republican-party-obituary-216176/

Mason, J. (2011). No holding back: the 1980 John B. Anderson presidential campaign. Lanham, MD: University Press of America.

Neuman, S. (2017, December 5). John Anderson, Independent For President In 1980, Dies At 95. NPR.

Retrieved from

https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2017/12/05/568489924/john-anderson-independent-for-president-in-1980-dies-at-95