RINOs From American History #2: Clifford P. Case

In 1944, Congressman Donald H. McLean of New Jersey’s 6th district is calling it quits. McLean is a staunch Republican, having been strongly opposed to the New Deal, voting against Social Security and the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938. Indeed, when McLean’s time in Congress began in 1933, the area most opposed to FDR and the New Deal was the Eastern seaboard. This would change dramatically over the next twenty years and his successor represents a wider change on the Eastern seaboard for Republican politics in Clifford Philip Case (1904-1982).

Although McLean was moderately internationalist, Case is staunchly so, and on domestic policy he proves a moderate. He believes in economic controls in times of national emergency and frequently votes so. In 1946, the Republicans win control of Congress and in this session, he will reach the peak of conservatism. He supports most domestic legislation put forth by the Congress’s leadership including tax reduction and the Taft-Hartley Act and backs President Truman’s foreign policy to the hilt. He also shows a moderation when it comes to anti-communism in his support of softening proposed anti-subversive legislation in 1947. Case also sponsors an anti-lynching proposal and votes to ban the poll tax. After the GOP loses control of Congress in the 1948 presidential election, Case moves substantially to the left. He supports much of President Truman’s proposals, including public housing, aid for middle-income housing, and price and rent controls. Case even gets a 100% by Americans for Democratic Action in 1952. By contrast, in 1948, he had scored a 15%. In August 1953, Case would resign Congress to become chairman of the Fund of the Republic, a Ford Foundation institution with its intent to be to protect freedom of speech and civil liberties. This was a response to Joseph McCarthy and politicians like him. He would during this time of course condemn McCarthy and pledge to vote him off of the Subcommittee on Investigations, and this would strengthen opposition to him from the right of the Republican Party when he ran for the Senate in 1954. Conservatives pushed a write-in campaign for former Representative Fred Hartley, sponsor of the Taft-Hartley Act, but he attracted few votes. Conservative sources denounced him as “a pro-Communist Republicrat” and “Stalin’s choice for Senator” (McFadden). The Star-Ledger charged that his sister, Adelaide, had been affiliated with communists in her college years, a charge Case strongly denied (Rutgers). However, his votes for the Nixon-Mundt Communist Registration Bill in 1948 and for the McCarran Internal Security Act in 1950 undermine these takes, especially when actual pro-communist Congressman Vito Marcantonio had voted against both. However, it is true that Case was less enthusiastic about anti-communist measures than many Republicans. The 1954 race was incredibly close, and with Eisenhower and Nixon heavily campaigning for Case in the state, he won the election against Congressman Charles R. Howell by only 3,507 votes.

Case and Eisenhower

Senator Case pledged “1000% support of Eisenhower”, which Americans for Democratic Action condemned in 1955 as “…nearly 1000% repudiation of liberal practices and principles…” (Americans for Democratic Action). Indeed, of the three Republican presidents he served with, Eisenhower would be the one whose positions he would back the most. This was due both to Eisenhower’s moderation and Case’s moving towards Eisenhower’s moderation. He also of course strongly supported the president’s internationalism. However, ADA wouldn’t remain disappointed with Case, especially with the Kennedy and Johnson presidencies. Case was also the first Republican senator to support Medicare when he was the only one of them to vote for Senator Clinton Anderson’s (D-N.M.) Medicare proposal in 1960. That year, he won reelection by over 12 points.

Case: 1960s and 1970s Liberal

With the election of John F. Kennedy in 1960, Case proved one of the most supportive Republicans of the New Frontier, although he opposed Kennedy on public power and agricultural legislation. He proved enormously popular with New Jersey voters, who thought highly of his maverick status among Republicans and liberals respected him. Case thoroughly supported the Great Society and was unwaveringly favorable to civil rights legislation. During the 1970s he would vote to uphold Great Society programs and equity-based policies such as busing and affirmative action. During the Great Society Congress, Case was one of only two Republican senators to vote against both a school prayer amendment and a legislative apportionment amendment, both proposed by Minority Leader Everett Dirksen (R-Ill.). He also opposed reinstatement of a federal death penalty in 1974 as well as the Hyde Amendment in 1976. Case’s liberalism was so strong in this period that in 1971, 1974, and 1976 he scored a 0% by Americans for Constitutional Action. Americans for Democratic Action had scored Case 100% in 1967, 1968, and 1969. Indeed, there was minimal difference between him and his Democratic colleague Harrison Williams on major issues. At this point, you might be wondering why Case is still a Republican, and to that he provided an answer: ”I am a Republican, and I believe in the Republican Party. But I have my own convictions as to what the Republican Party should stand for, and I intend to fight for them as hard as I can. And I will not be driven away from my Republicanism simply because some Democrats happen to agree with me on certain issues – and some Republicans don’t”(McFadden).


Clifford Case had a number of legislative achievements. He had been one of the floor managers of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and in 1972, he got the Case Act passed, requiring the president to report an executive agreement reached with another country to Congress within 60 days (Pearson). Although initially he had been supportive of the Vietnam War, he turned against it as the sixties wore on and during the Nixon Administration, he was a solid “dove”, supporting both the Cooper-Church Amendment cutting off funds for military action in Cambodia and the McGovern-Hatfield “End the War” Amendment in 1970. In 1973, Case scored a major legislative victory when he sponsored with Frank Church (D-Idaho) an amendment prohibiting further U.S. military actions in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia after August 15, 1973, without Congressional approval. Troops had already been pulled from Vietnam due to the Paris Peace Accords but not in Laos and Cambodia. President Nixon, not having the numbers in Congress to fight this amendment given Watergate, reluctantly signed it into law.

Case and Carter

Case is mostly supportive of President Carter’s initiatives but opposes his sale of Airborne Warning and Control System planes to Egypt, Israel, and Saudi Arabia. This was part of his pro-Israel stance, as Egypt and Saudi Arabia were antagonistic to Israel at the time and indeed many liberals opposed the sale. He also proves a strong voice in support of the Panama Canal Treaty, believing it best for the health of relations with South and Central American nations.

By the late 1970s, the mood is souring among Republicans for liberals, and in 1978 Case faces a challenge from Jeff Bell, speechwriter for Ronald Reagan’s 1976 campaign who moved to New Jersey to challenge him. He does not take this challenge seriously and spends most of the primary season in Washington D.C., which proved to be a mistake as Bell pulls an upset. It is an old story in Washington: the seasoned veteran gets cocky and refuses to consider a possible loss seriously. The most recent occasion of this that stuck out in my mind was Senator Richard Lugar’s (R-Ind.) loss of renomination. This was due both to an exaggerated claim of him being a RINO but also to him losing touch with the voters of his state. For Case, it was the latter and a not exaggerated case of the former. Bell proceeds to lose the election to future presidential contender Bill Bradley by 12 points. Case would subsequently serve as the chairman of the Board of Directors of Freedom House. He had been a cigarette smoker throughout his life and in 1981 he was diagnosed with lung cancer. Despite an operation on one of his lungs in August, he succumbed to his illness on March 5, 1982.

Although Case is not the last Republican senator from New Jersey, he is the last to be elected by the voters: Nicholas Brady and Jeffrey Chiesa were placeholders appointed by Republican governors. Some sources classify Case as a moderate Republican, but truth be told after 1960 he could be regarded as staunchly liberal. Both ACA and ADA agree on this. DW-Nominate, which is a wider-based scale, gives Case a -0.108. This is one of the lowest scores a Republican has ever received. Whatever ideological basis he had for being a Republican seemed to have been mostly ancient history by his 1978 renomination effort.


ADA World Congressional Supplement. (1955, September). Americans for Democratic Action.

Retrieved from


Clifford P. Case II: Loyal Son, Scholar, Statesman: Early Political Career. Rutgers University Libraries.

Retrieved from


McFadden, R.D. (1982, March 7). Ex-Senator Clifford P. Case, 77, Is Dead. The New York Times.

Retrieved from


Pearson, R. (1982, March 7). Clifford P. Case, Former Senator From N.J., Dies. The Washington Post.

Retrieved from


Americans for Constitutional Action on the Ford Years

Gerald Ford will probably be one of the forgotten presidents as more time passes by, as he had one of the shortest terms in presidential history and wasn’t even elected to the office! This is too bad because Ford was a good guy and he was more than a placeholder president.

In 1974, the Congressional Republicans get hammered in the midterms, providing a difficult environment for the unelected President Ford who wishes to both heal the nation and hold the line on spending in the face of stagflation. The young liberal Democratic freshmen, known colloquially as the “Watergate Babies”, make their presence felt promptly as the driving forces in the ousters of committee chairman F. Edward Hebert (D-La.), William R. Poage (D-Tex.), and Wright Patman (D-Tex.). The former two are outed for being too conservative and the latter over alleged infirmity. This signals, as I have written in the past, that seniority alone does not make for committee chairmanships, and this pushes the party more towards liberalism, a trend that has only accelerated. The new Congress pushes a lot of liberal legislation, much of which entails spending over what the president wants. Ford stands as a fiscal conservative. He opposes legislation regarding strip mining, spending $6.5 billion on aiding ailing railroads, funding public works for job creation, childcare services, agriculture, and spending for the Labor-HEW Department. Ford also opposes tax reductions without budget caps, a vintage conservative position as of late. He stands for the free market as well in his support for deregulating oil prices, but this would not happen until the Reagan Administration. On foreign policy and military policy conservatism, Ford is for partial lifting of an embargo on Turkey, opposes more Congressional oversight over U.S. international arms sales, and is against postponing the development of B-1 Bombers. On the liberal side supports pay increases for government, foreign aid, energy conservation legislation, and bailing out New York City. His scores are:

1975 (House) – 73%

1976 (House) – 100%

1975 (Senate) – 80%

1976 (Senate) – 89%


100% in 1975:


Rousselot, R-Calif.
Burgener, R-Calif.
Symms, R-Idaho
Crane, R-Ill.
Hutchinson, R-Mich.
Robinson, R-Va.


Goldwater, R-Ariz.

100% in 1976:


Steiger, R-Ariz.
Clawson, R-Calif.
Kelly, R-Fla.
Symms, R-Idaho
Hansen, R-Idaho
Montgomery, D-Miss.
Latta, R-Ohio
Hall, D-Tex.
Poage, D-Tex.


Fannin, R-Ariz.
McClure, R-Idaho
Curtis, R-Neb.
Helms, R-N.C.
Bartlett, R-Okla.
Thurmond, R-S.C.
Scott, R-Va.
Hansen, R-Wyo.

ACA-Index Basis for 94th Congress:

ACA Scoresheets for:

1975 (House)

1975 (Senate)

1976 (House)

1976 (Senate)

A Vote on Fascism?

A major debate that Americans have, and in truth most of it comes down to accusing your political opposition of being bullies, is what constitutes fascism? The United States arguably has in its time adopted policies that are fitting with fascism. They may not be the ones you think either. But one that people can agree constitutes fascism is the formation of a cartel, which under government supervision, businesses decide prices on goods and services. We had this very system for a short time in the United States under the National Industrial Recovery Act. This act established the National Recovery Administration, and membership in this organization by business included numerous codes they had to follow. Included in this was a minimum wage, the right to collectively bargain, and businesses in this organization would together decide upon pricing. These codes also served to limit newcomers to fields in the name of order. While membership in this organization was officially voluntary, support for President Roosevelt and his efforts to fix the broken economy was strong, and feelings towards those who were dissenting could be venomous. Businesses that did not participate risked being picketed and boycotted. Thus, many signed up for this program and would put on their window fronts the NRA’s Blue Eagle logo, which some critics called the “Soviet Duck”. In order to achieve this cartel, however, that anti-monopoly and anti-trust laws had to be suspended. This got a mixed reception, including dissension among people who up to that point were regarded as good progressives…people like Montana’s Burton K. Wheeler. Organized labor was disappointed that collective bargaining had not been implemented. Ironically, Wheeler would face accusations of fascist sympathy given his staunch non-interventionism. I have found a most curious vote regarding this very subject. This is an amendment to the work relief appropriations bill in 1935, with the notoriously independent Senator William E. Borah (R-Idaho) leading the way. He proposes to restore the anti-trust and anti-monopoly laws suspended, effectively dismantling the cartel system. This proposal failed on a 33-43 vote.

The vote went as follows:

YEA: 33

Democrats: Black (AL), Ashurst (AZ), Adams (CO), Maloney (CT), Fletcher (FL), McGill (KS), Tydings (MD), Clark (MO), Wheeler (MT), McCarran (NV), Copeland (NY), Gore (OK), Thomas (OK), Smith (SC), McKellar (TN), King (UT), Byrd (VA), Glass (VA)

Republicans: Hastings (DE), Townsend (DE), Borah (ID), Dickinson (IA), Capper (KS), White (ME), Vandenberg (MI), Schall (MN), Barbour (NJ), Frazier (ND), Nye (ND), Metcalf (RI), Norbeck (SD), Gibson (VT)

Farmer-Laborers: Shipstead (MN)

NAY: 43

Democrats: Bankhead (AL), Hayden (AZ), Lonergan (CT), George (GA), Pope (ID), Dieterich (IL), Minton (IN), Van Nuys (IN), Murphy (IA), Barkley (KY), Logan (KY), Radcliffe (MD), Walsh (MA), Bilbo (MS), Harrison (MS), Truman (MO), Murray (MT), Burke (NE), Pittman (NV), Brown (NH), Hatch (NM), Wagner (NY), Reynolds (NC), Donahey (OH), Gerry (RI), Byrnes (SC), Bulow (SD), Bachman (TN), Connally (TX), Sheppard (TX), Thomas (UT), Schwellenbach (WA), Neely (WV), Duffy (WI), O’Mahoney (WY)

Announced Against: Robinson (AR), Bulkley (OH)

Republicans: Hale (ME), Couzens (MI), Keyes (NH), McNary (OR), Steiwer (OR), Austin (VT)

Progressives: La Follette (WI)

A few notes about this vote:

Republicans Hastings and Townsend were without doubt the two most conservative senators in the 74th Congress. The two opposed practically everything about the New Deal and would vote against Social Security that year. Same goes for Metcalf. Dickinson, White, and Vandenberg were also conservatives with Barbour and Gibson being a bit less so. Capper and Nye would move to the right later on.

Republican conservatives are not wholly off the hook though: Hale, Keyes, and Austin were firm domestic conservatives, with Hale and Austin voting against Social Security. Steiwer was a moderate conservative, McNary pretty much hovering around the edge of moderate to moderate conservative, and Couzens was a moderate.

Democrat Robert Reynolds of North Carolina was widely thought of as a fascist if not a fascist sympathizer.

Democrats Hugo Black of Alabama and Sherman Minton of Indiana would both become Supreme Court justices. Guess who the better one was?

Democrat Robert F. Wagner was one of FDR’s “Brain Trusters”.

Democrat Harry S. Truman, later president, voted against restoring the antimonopoly and antitrust laws.

My point here is not necessarily to point the finger at people who cast “nay” on this vote as fascists, but to point out that embracing a fascist policy may be easier than you think, especially if you see the circumstances around you as warranting emergency measures. Indeed, probably no one scores a 0% on the F-Scale Test, designed to measure fascist beliefs. I, for full disclosure, got a 33% on it.


National Industrial Recovery Act. VCU Social Welfare History Project.

Retrieved from

To Amend H.J. Res. 117, By Restoring the Antimonopoly and Antitrust Laws Which Were Suspended by the National Industrial Recovery Act. Govtrack.

Retrieved from


RINOs From American History #1: Lowell P. Weicker Jr.

I have previously written criticism about the usage of the term RINO (Republican in Name Only) and in short detail written about who I consider real RINOs, which has been so utterly abused that it can mean any Republican who pisses off another at any moment, anyone who isn’t 100% personally loyal to Trump (although that seems to be going out the door), or for a single real or perceived breach of conservatism. However, the term used to have genuine meaning…someone whose party affiliation was Republican but did not vote as a conservative. Today’s conservatives fail to appreciate how many of those types there were in the party 40-50 years ago. I intend to restore this term to its original meaning…people who really do not fit within the Republican Party because of lack of adherence to a moderate to conservative philosophy. That’s right, I don’t think that someone who is a party moderate should be regarded as a RINO, rather people who have major records against the party line and favoring the Democratic Party’s policies. The first I will cover was a bit of bête noire for conservatives during the Reagan years as he stood out the most as a critic of President Reagan and grew more liberal throughout his time in office: Lowell Palmer Weicker Jr. (1931- ) of Connecticut.


A lawyer by profession, Weicker became active in Connecticut Republican politics in the early 1960s, during which time he was a conservative. In 1962 he was elected to the Connecticut House of Representatives representing Greenwich, serving from 1963 to 1969. He simultaneously from 1964 to 1969 served as First Selectman of Greenwich. In 1968, Weicker sought an upgrade and defeated incumbent Donald Irwin for Connecticut’s 4th District by four points.

Congressman Weicker

Representative Weicker voted as a moderate in his first term and was in quite the hurry to move up. In 1970, he set his sights on the Senate, and it was good timing too – Senator Thomas J. Dodd had been censured by the Senate for personal use of campaign funds in 1967 and had lost renomination to anti-Vietnam War activist Reverend Joseph Duffey over this scandal. However, Dodd wasn’t giving up and he was running for reelection as an Independent. This left the environment favorable for Weicker as the Democratic vote split between Duffey and Dodd. Although the Republicans didn’t win the Senate as President Nixon had hoped, they did gain seats and Weicker was one of them.

Senator Weicker – From Nixon Supporter to Opponent

Initially, Weicker was a supporter of Nixon and had happily campaigned with him in his first Senate bid. Nixon was to his right, but not dramatically enough for him to be a critic. Indeed, Weicker often supported during this time increased military spending (although far from always), sometimes supported fiscal conservatism, opposed public funding of presidential campaigns, and opposed postcard voter registration (this today would be called “voter suppression”). His more liberal areas included support for busing, opposing restoring a federal death penalty in 1974, support for foreign aid, and he was a supporter of a strong minimum wage. Although initially a supporter of President Nixon’s Vietnam approach, Weicker would before his administration was through become a critic. He would also go from supporting the importation of chrome from Rhodesia, which was under UN sanctions, in 1971 to supporting legislation to impose a ban in 1973. He then became a critic of Nixon overall after being placed on the Watergate Committee.

On August 12, 1973, Weicker publicly stated that all the tapes and documents regarding the Watergate break-in should be released, or the people would have no confidence in Nixon (The New York Times). He would even call for Nixon’s resignation before the release of the Watergate tapes, particularly irking the president. Nixon wasn’t alone in this feeling; as Weicker recounted, “People in Connecticut were very much behind President Nixon, as was the rest of the country. They thought he could do no wrong, and when I was in Connecticut, I would get flipped the bird all the time, whether it was on the streets or in the car, for the role that I was playing. After Watergate was over, then the needle goes all the way the other way, and I’ve got huge favorability ratings” (Bendici). Later in life, he would give a positive appraisal of Nixon. Weicker held that “Richard Nixon, aside from his shadier side, was actually a very good president. Why he had to go off on this other tangent is absolutely beyond me. He did, and he got caught” (Keating).

Moving to the Left

After the Nixon Administration, he grows friendlier to federal measures on issues like housing and social spending generally. Consistent with his pro-union politics, he supports the common site picketing bill, permitting the picketing of an entire construction site even if the union didn’t have complaints with all contractors working on the site. Weicker also supports the 1976 Clark Amendment for Angola, prohibiting aid to entities involved in military or paramilitary operations. Congress would repeal this amendment in 1985 (a move Weicker opposed) with the support of the Reagan Administration.

In 1976, Weicker wins reelection by 16 points and all counties. The last Republican to have won all counties in running for the Senate was Governor Raymond Baldwin in 1946, and no Republican would repeat Weicker’s feat. Weicker continued his independence during the Carter Administration and twice during the 1970s threatened to leave the party. He had a bit of an unfortunate tendency to be in the right and then blow it by being insulting. In one instance, he called out a baseless attack from Senator John Heinz (R-Penn.) who in response to Weicker proposing to stop aid to a Pennsylvania rail mill and another senator pointing out cutting this aid would harm a Colorado firm, he pondered aloud if the Colorado firm was a subsidiary of a Connecticut company. However, Weicker did so by saying he was “an idiot or devious”, a breach of Senate decorum (Wald). In another instance, he was the first senator to point out a shift in the Carter Administration foreign policy towards Egypt. However, Weicker proceeded to accuse President Carter’s national security advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski of scrapping a “balance of power” approach for a “world order” approach, and that American Jews were an obstacle to this, darkly warning that “We know from history that time and again, when national leaders ran into difficulties, they found it convenient to blame their problems on the Jews. And we know what were the results” (Wald). The common interpretation of this was that he was calling Brzezinski a Nazi. In 1979, Weicker announced his candidacy for president, but withdrew before the primaries as he wasn’t getting the national traction he needed.

The Rise of Reagan

Although many Republicans are jubilant over the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980, Weicker is not. His politics have been growing more liberal in an increasingly conservative party. He fights many of the Republican Party’s social as well as economic positions during this time, although he does join the rest of the party in voting for the 1981 tax cuts. Weicker also in 1982 delivers a notable speech before the AFL-CIO convention in which former Vice President Walter Mondale and Senator Ted Kennedy (D-Mass.) are present, denouncing “Reaganomics”, holding that the combination of tax and budget cuts on social welfare programs produced a “great human tragedy” (Richards). He then delivered a rather peculiar pitch for the attendees, to defeat Democrats who supported Reagan’s policies and to elect Republicans who were more critical, like himself. Weicker simply saw himself as upholding tradition within the GOP, stating, “I happen to believe that my party is the party of Lincoln and Eisenhower, not the party of Thurmond and Helms” (Richards). Conservatives in the Republican Party were quite unhappy with him and chose as their preferred candidate Prescott Bush Jr., Vice President Bush’s brother. Weicker fairly easily holds off this challenge and wins reelection in the 1982 midterms by four points over Congressman Toby Moffett. Had Bush Jr. won the nomination, the odds are he would have, like Jeffrey Bell in New Jersey in 1978, gone on to lose the election.

Weicker gets more and more liberal as the Reagan Administration progresses, in 1987 and 1988 respectively Americans for Democratic Action rates him 85% and 90%. The American Conservative Union rated him a 26% on his lifetime score, with 1987 and 1988 being 4%. He is also a strong critic of the Reagan Administration’s military spending, especially regarding the Strategic Defense Initiative (popularly called “Star Wars” by its critics). At this point, conservatives are seeing little difference between him and liberal Democrats. This is especially so after he made efforts to prevent the nomination of conservatives in the state Republican Party in 1986, which was blamed for poor performance in this election. As William F. Buckley Jr., whose National Review endorsed Joe Lieberman over Weicker in 1988, wrote in 2006 on him, “The all-time generator of negative conservative satisfactions was Lowell Weicker. He was first senator from Connecticut, then governor. He was the King of Schadenfreude: dispenser of the nectar of health & satisfaction when we conservatives had a chance to vote against him” (Buckley). However, conservatives were not his only problem. Andrew J. Bates (1988) of The Harvard Crimson, in an article in which he is otherwise supportive of him, described his approach as a “blustery, abrasive, and confrontational style” which put off colleagues on both sides of the aisle and a lack of interest in campaigning and local matters. Conservative voter defection on Election Day compromises Weicker’s Republican base support enough for him to lose reelection by less than a point. Although he is done in the Senate, he is not so with elected office.

Weicker and A Connecticut Party

Weicker’s career on the state level was reborn with a budget crisis, and he campaigned on his own created party, “A Connecticut Party”, proposing to resolve this crisis without imposing an income tax. The state of Connecticut’s voters had long resisted an income tax, and when one was imposed in 1971 by the state legislature, it was revoked in six weeks due to immense public backlash. He won a three-way race, with many Democrats choosing to vote for his third-party ticket over that of their own nominee, Congressman Bruce Morrison. However, upon being elected, Weicker reverses course and supports an income tax to resolve the budget crisis. Three bills that were sent to him without an income tax he vetoed, and his acts even brought partial government shutdown. An income tax is ultimately adopted along with certain spending cuts and reductions in the corporate and gas taxes. Although initially unpopular, after the state’s budget crisis was resolved he regains popularity but chooses not to run for reelection in 1994 to spend time with family. The state’s income tax has been controversial since its adoption, but it has never been repealed despite multiple governors running on that platform as the state has become overly reliant on it as a source of revenue (Fitch).

Although Weicker considers both a presidential run on the Reform Party ticket in 1996 as well as a Senate run in 2006, he ultimately opts to stay in retirement. He has since retirement been a critic of the Republican Party and has endorsed Democratic candidates for president. As of writing, he is the last surviving senator of the Watergate Committee and the last Republican to have represented Connecticut in the Senate.


Bates, A.J. (1988, November 14). The Elephant Bucks A Maverick. The Harvard Crimson.

Retrieved from


Bendici, R. (2012, July 31). Final Say: Lowell Weicker. Connecticut Magazine.


Buckley, W.F. (2006, September 26). Vote for Lieberman? National Review.

Retrieved from


Fitch, M.E. (2019, December 3). Temporary income tax “myth” has roots in Weicker’s pitch to lawmakers. Yankee Institute.

Retrieved from


Keating, C. (2019, December 1). Lowell Weicker built his reputation challenging Richard Nixon during Watergate; he says

Republicans in Congress are afraid to do the same with Trump. Hartford Courant.

Retrieved from


Release of Tapes. (1973, August 13). The New York Times.

Retrieved from


Richards, C.F. (1982, April 7). Weicker unleashes attack on Reagan. UPI.


Wald, M.L. (1979, September 23). Weicker Still Jousting With All Comers. The New York Times.

Retrieved from

About Al Gore…Sr.

When you hear the name “Al Gore”, you think of the environmentally motivated vice president who lost one of the most controversial elections of American history. However, like so many people in politics, he wasn’t the only politician in the family. The first Gore was Albert Gore Sr. (1907-1998).

Gore’s rise began locally when he ran for superintendent of the Smith County School Board. Although the incumbent won, Gore had run a strong campaign and won the respect of the incumbent. After the incumbent was diagnosed with a terminal illness, he requested that Gore succeed him, and he did (Hill). His wife, Pauline, played a critical role in his campaigns and was a key advisor to him on issues including civil rights and the Vietnam War.

Gore in the House

Gore was first elected in 1938, a backlash election to President Roosevelt, and he proved in his first two terms to be highly independent, often voting against liberals on domestic issues. For instance, he voted to cut WPA funding, investigate the National Labor Relations Board, and against increasing bond powers of the US Housing Authority in 1939. However, he was loyal to the party on foreign policy and he was strongly supportive of the TVA (and by extension, public power development) and New Deal agricultural legislation. His record on domestic issues would shift more to the party liberals during the 78th Congress. Gore would, especially later in his career, be widely regarded as a liberal, albeit maintaining his independence to a degree. He briefly served in the military from December 1944 to March 1945.

During the Republican 80th Congress, he voted against most of their domestic agenda, making exceptions for the Taft-Hartley Act and the Nixon-Mundt communist registration bill. Gore would be largely loyal to the Truman Administration in his support of public housing, strong minimum wage legislation, foreign policy, and controls on prices and rents, but still maintained some independence in his leading the charge against the Brannan Plan. Named after President Truman’s Secretary of Agriculture, Charles F. Brannan, the Brannan Plan would have, for a two-year trial run, scrapped the intricate system of price supports for farmers, replacing it with guaranteed minimum income. With Gore at the helm, the Brannan Plan was sunk in the 81st Congress with a substitute that made minor changes to the existing system, getting seventy-nine Democrats and all but four Republicans on his side.

1952: A Year of Change

Senator Kenneth McKellar was an institution in the state of Tennessee. He had first been elected to the House in 1910 and was then elected to the Senate in 1916. Although a progressive for his time, he had grown less so later in his career. Although a key backer of the Tennessee Valley Authority, he also feuded with its chief, David Lilienthal. McKellar would come to oppose his nomination to chair the Atomic Energy Commission in 1947. He was still thought of as a senatorial powerhouse in 1952, but he was 83 years old and visibly in decline. Gore, by contrast, was 44 years old and traveled around the state to campaign. McKellar’s campaign slogan was “Thinking Feller? Vote McKellar!” to which the Gore campaign, on advice of his wife Pauline, ably responded with, “Think Some More – Vote For Gore!” (Our Campaigns) 1952 was a year of change for Tennessee, and the state’s Democrats pulled for Gore by 15 points. It was also in this year that the Crump political machine, based in Memphis, became restricted to that city. At the time, although Dwight Eisenhower won the state, on the state level Republicanism remained limited to East Tennessee and Gore trounced his Republican opponent by over 53 points.

Gore and the Interstate Highway System

Although I previously wrote that President Eisenhower’s Secretary of Commerce, Sinclair Weeks, deserves a huge amount of credit for the planning and implementation of the Interstate Highway System, Gore co-authored and sponsored the legislation with Representative George Fallon (D-Md.) and likewise deserves a lot of credit for America’s greatest public works project. Such sponsorship certainly helped his prospects for the vice presidential nomination that year, but his colleague, Estes Kefauver, got the nod instead.

Gore on Civil Rights

Albert Gore Sr. was, for his time and place, quite pro-civil rights. Although he voted against the Gavagan-Fish Anti-Lynching Bill in 1940 as did all other Tennessee Democrats, Gore, with fellow Representative Estes Kefauver, proved consistent in voting to ban the poll tax. They were in truth among the first Tennessee Democrats to vote for civil rights legislation.
As a senator, Gore voted for the Civil Rights Acts of 1957, 1960, and 1968 (despite his opposition to the fair housing portion) as well as the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and the 24th Amendment. His votes regarding the Civil Rights Act of 1964 are rather odd. Although he voted against the Civil Rights Act of 1964, he wasn’t opposed to it in its entirety. Gore supported the public accommodations title of the law, but opposed the employment discrimination title as well as the title depriving funds for segregated schools. It was the latter part that motivated his vote against, and he had motioned to recommit the bill right before the final vote to only have funds cut off if a school district defied court orders to desegregate (Metcalf). Gore was also one of three Southern Democrats in the Senate to not sign the Southern Manifesto. The others were Lyndon B. Johnson (who probably wasn’t asked to sign as party leader, Southerners recognized he had more national ambitions) and Estes Kefauver.

Gore and the 1960s

Gore was a supporter of both the Kennedy and Johnson Administrations. He strongly supported the creation of Medicare, sponsoring the measure with Senators Clinton Anderson (D-N.M.) and Jacob Javits (R-N.Y.) in 1964. He was likewise a supporter of LBJ’s flagship legislation for the War on Poverty, the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964. On foreign aid, Gore was becoming a bit more of a skeptic, siding with Senators Wayne Morse (D-Ore.) and Bill Proxmire (D-Wis.) on certain proposals to cut foreign aid. He also opposed two Constitutional amendments pushed by Minority Leader Everett Dirksen (R-Ill.) to counter Warren Court decisions on legislative apportionment and school prayer. Gore would also join J. William Fulbright (D-Ark.) in critiquing the Vietnam War.

Increasing Election Difficulties

Tennessee was slowly but surely becoming more and more Republican. The state’s two votes for Eisenhower proved more than flukes given the popularity of the general…its electorate also voted for Nixon in 1960. In 1962, Tennessee’s 3rd district, based in Chattanooga, elected its first Republican representative since 1920 in Bill Brock. Unlike the last Republican to represent the district, he would win reelection. In 1964, Gore faced a strong challenge from future Congressman Dan Kuykendall. Although Senator Barry Goldwater got thrashed in the election and it brought down some Republican candidates, Kuykendall did get 46% of the vote, running ahead of him. Absent Goldwater’s frankness on his belief that the Tennessee Valley Authority should be sold, Kuykendall may have won. By contrast, in 1958, also a bad year for the GOP, Gore had won reelection against sacrificial lamb Hobart Atkins by 60 points.

Gore and Occidental Petroleum

Albert Gore Sr. maintained a strong connection with the CEO of Occidental Petroleum, Armand Hammer. Hammer, who had major connections with the USSR that have been alleged to have gone as far as spying for them, was himself quite a character who deserves an entry of his own and I plan on giving him one. Gore first met Hammer in the 1940s and he became a major bankroller for not only his political campaigns, but also those of his son up until his death in 1990. FBI director J. Edgar Hoover had long suspected Hammer of being a Soviet agent, but left him alone so he could continue monitoring him until accusing him of being one in 1962, and Gore leapt to his defense on the Senate floor (Karon).

This connection to Occidental Petroleum, which would also get most of the naval oil reserves on Elk Hills during the Clinton Administration, would be an inconvenient subject of discussion in 2000 given Gore Jr.’s environmental advocacy and charges that Bush was a candidate of oil. After his Senate career, Gore Sr. would be on the board of directors of Occidental and would head up one of its subsidiary companies.

Despite this connection, however, Gore himself cast a number of votes that were unfavorable to oil interests. He multiple times voted to reduce the 27.5% oil depletion allowance and voted against removing the power of the Federal Power Commission to regulate oil prices in 1956.

Reelection in the Age of Nixon

In 1970, Gore would be less fortunate in his opposition and in the direction of the state. In 1966, Republican Howard Baker Jr. had won Tennessee’s other Senate seat and in 1968, Nixon won the state with national Democrat Hubert Humphrey coming in third. Goldwater, now back in the Senate, was not running for president and Nixon held the office. Nixon was determined to fight out this midterm, even going as far as to hope for a Senate majority. Although he was hands off in the reelections of many Southern Democrats, as they agreed with him on many major issues, Gore was different. He was one of the more liberal ones and had a record of opposition to Nixon’s Vietnam War policies. Gore had also voted against his Southern Supreme Court nominees, Clement Haynsworth and G. Harrold Carswell. The Republicans scored a top recruit in three-term Congressman Bill Brock of Chattanooga, who capitalized on these issues as well as his vote against Dirksen’s school prayer amendment and lambasted him for what he called a “radical-liberal” record (the “radical” part was undoubtedly an exaggeration) and accused him of representing liberal coastal elites rather than the people of Tennessee, and Gore would assert that Brock’s conservative record in Congress was against the interests of Tennesseans. On Election Day, he would beat Gore by about four points.

Although his political career was now over, Gore lived a long life, long enough to see some satisfying victories. For one, Brock would be defeated in 1976 by a Democrat close to his philosophy in Jim Sasser, who would serve three terms. But better yet for him was seeing his son’s rise from representative of his old district to the Senate and finally, to the White House as Bill Clinton’s VP. Tennessee would move largely into the Republican column by his final years but would twice vote for Clinton/Gore.


Al Gore’s Father Dead at 90. (1998, December 5). CBS News.

Retrieved from


Hill, R. Tennessee’s Old Gray Fox: Albert Gore. The Knoxville Focus.

Retrieved from


Karon, T. (2000, September 25). Gore’s Big Oil Connection: An ‘Occident’ of Birth? TIME.

Retrieved from


McKellar, Kenneth D. Our Campaigns.

Retrieved from


Metcalf, J. (1964, June 20). The Civil Rights Act is approved after an 83-day filibuster. New York Daily News.

Retrieved from


Weil, M. (1998, December 6). Vice President Al Gore’s Father Dies. The Washington Post.

Retrieved from


Weingroff, R.F. (1996, Summer). Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1956: Creating the Interstate System (Sidebars), No. 60, Vol. 1. Federal Highway Administration.

Retrieved from


The 1923 Speaker Battle

Frederick H. Gillett, R-Mass.

After a fifteen-vote struggle as well as a prior rejection in 2015 in favor of Paul Ryan, Kevin McCarthy of California is finally Speaker of the House. The sort of fight we saw over the last few days has, as a number of publications have already written on, a century old precedent. The party in question was the same, but circumstances politically were a bit different. Although the party was conservative, the rebels were not from the right, rather from the left. The current fight was establishment vs. anti-establishment Republicans, with oscillations among the pro and anti-McCarthy factions about whether former President Donald Trump’s support of McCarthy was relevant. The most obvious presence among the rebels were Wisconsin Republicans. The state and its Republicans were in a state of rebellion against the national party and in 1924 Senator Robert La Follette (R-Wis.) would win the state’s electoral votes.

The first two years of the Harding Administration had proven awful from a progressive perspective. Lower income taxes, higher tariffs, pro-business policy, and limited government were the rule. Other issues included coal strikes, the economy still recovering from a mini-depression, and discontent over Prohibition enforcement. The Speaker of the House at the time was Frederick Gillett of Massachusetts. Gillett was a well-respected figure and a principled conservative. By DW-Nominate scoring, he gets a 0.662, making him the fourth most conservative representative in the 67th Congress. Gillett was also considered a passive figure who would go with what his fellow conservatives wanted. Much of the behind-the-scenes power was from former Minority Leader James R. Mann of Illinois. In 1922, the Republicans took a beating in the midterms, losing 77 seats in the House, much of the losses coming from urban areas. However, the Democrats had suffered worse in the 1918 and 1920 elections combined, leaving the GOP with a majority of 18 seats rather than 171. This gave frustrated progressives within the Republican Party an opportunity to fight for reform.

Unlike the rebels of 2023, who varied in the candidates they wanted between ballots with no solid consistent agreement about who should be speaker instead of McCarthy, the rebels in 1923 consistently championed Henry A. Cooper of Wisconsin for speaker. Cooper had, like Gillett, first been elected to Congress in 1892 and was a prominent member of the GOP’s progressive wing. He had only lost an election once, in 1918, when he lost renomination to conservative Clifford Randall due to his vote against World War I. A smaller contingent embraced another representative, Martin B. Madden of Illinois, who was less conservative (although not by that much) than Gillett and represented a majority black area in Chicago.

The GOP rebels for Cooper were:

Henry A. Cooper (R-Wis.), the leading choice of the rebels.

Frank Clague, Charles Davis, Oscar Keller, and Harold Knutson of Minnesota. Knutson was the least progressive among them and would become much more conservative later in his career.

Fiorello LaGuardia of New York. LaGuardia would later become arguably New York City’s greatest mayor.

James Sinclair of North Dakota.

Edward Voigt, John Nelson, John Schafer, Florian Lampert, Joseph Beck, Edward Browne, George Schneider, James Frear, and Hubert Peavey, all of Wisconsin. The monolithic rebellion from the Wisconsin delegation illustrated just how much Senator La Follette’s brand of politics had come to dominate the state, with the only detractor remaining in 1923 being Senator Irvine Lenroot, who was a moderate and a former ally. Cooper himself voted present as did the state’s Socialist, Victor Berger.

Farmer-Laborers Ole Kvale and Knud Wefald of Minnesota. The Farmer-Labor Party was a progressive offshoot of the Republican Party which would later merge with the Democrats. Thus, the state’s party being officially known as the Democratic Farmer-Labor Party.

Voting for Madden:

Martin B. Madden, R-Ill., minority choice of rebels.

Magne Michaelson, Frank Reid, and Edward King of Illinois. – All three were to the left of the median of House Republicans, were strongly pro-organized labor, and were certainly the most progressive Republicans representing the state at the time.

Roy Woodruff and William F. James of Michigan. – Although originally a Progressive of the Theodore Roosevelt mold, Woodruff would become extremely conservative during the Roosevelt Administration.

Ultimately, the rebels held out for three days in which eight votes were cast with no speaker decided. Finally, Majority Leader Nick Longworth (R-Ohio) reached an agreement with the rebels to loosen the rules and limit the speaker’s power, thus more potential for progressive legislation to reach the floor. Thus, on the ninth ballot, most of the rebels voted for Gillett. The exceptions were the third-party members Kvale, Wefald, and Berger. The rebels had won concessions…for now. In 1924, President Coolidge ran for a full term, and numerous progressive Republicans threw their support behind Senator Robert La Follette (R-Wis.). After Coolidge’s resounding victory, the progressives, particularly the ones who had sided with La Follette, were booted off committees in retaliation by the new Speaker, the man who had negotiated a truce with the progressives. Gillett had been elected to the Senate, defeating popular Democratic incumbent David I. Walsh, largely thanks to the coattails of the even more popular Coolidge. He served a single term.


Gillett, Frederick Huntington. Voteview.

Retrieved from

Al D’Amato: The Man Schumer Had to Beat

In my last post, I covered Mitch McConnell’s predecessor, Dee Huddleston. Today I will turn it around and cover Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer’s predecessor, Alfonse D’Amato (1937- ). New York has in truth been a Democratic state for many years before Schumer was elected to the Senate, so it must be understood how D’Amato could get elected.

New York Politics in the mid-late 20th century: the four-party cocktail

The dynamics of New York politics for a time were strange, with there being four relevant parties: Republican, Democrat, Liberal, and Conservative. The Liberal Party had emerged from a 1944 exodus of anti-communist liberals from the American Labor Party, at the time its foremost figure being the famously pro-Soviet Congressman Vito Marcantonio. Although the Liberal Party often endorsed Democrats, they also backed liberal Republicans. This created some interesting political calculations and encouraged Rockefeller Republicanism in the state. Although they didn’t endorse Rockefeller himself, they consistently endorsed Senator Jacob Javits in his campaigns and twice backed John Lindsay for New York City’s mayor, their endorsement being crucial to his viability after he lost the Republican nomination in 1969. The Conservative Party, responding to the incentives of Republicans to move liberal, formed as another force in 1962 to represent conservatives when they were dissatisfied with Republican Party nominations. In 1965, they notably ran National Review founder William F. Buckley Jr. for New York City’s mayor, a quixotic bid that served to give conservatives an option. The dynamics between the four parties most notably came to a head after the assassination of Senator Robert Kennedy in 1968. Governor Rockefeller appointed Congressman Charles Goodell of upstate New York, who although previously a mostly fiscally conservative Republican who was liberal on foreign aid and civil rights, he shifted to staunch liberalism as a senator in an effort to win the Liberal Party nomination along with the Republican nomination. Although that part of his plan worked, his bid to win a full term was complicated by the entry of Buckley’s brother, James (who will turn 100 if he lives to March 9th!) as the Conservative Party candidate. He would win the election as the liberal vote was split between Goodell and Democratic Congressman Richard Ottinger, giving New York their most conservative senator since James W. Wadsworth Jr., who had lost reelection in 1926 to liberal titan Robert Wagner. This would be the single greatest achievement of the Conservative Party of New York. Such dynamics would emerge again regarding Senator Javits ten years later.

Javits had been one of the most liberal Republicans in national politics since the 1940s, being regarded by conservatives as one of if not the most “me too” Republicans, and commanded a loyal following, particularly among New York City’s Jews, but his reelection prospects were getting increasingly complicated by 1980. His equally liberal Republican colleague from New Jersey, Clifford Case, who also had a long career in the Senate had lost renomination in 1978 to conservative activist Jeffrey Bell, who would proceed to lose the election. Javits was also going to be turning 76 that year and worse yet, his revelation in February 1980 that he had been diagnosed with ALS the previous year. Although ALS usually kills its victims between two to five years of diagnosis, his was developing at an abnormally slow rate, so he thought he could survive one more term. It also didn’t help that in 1974, James Buckley had beat him to the punch in calling for Nixon’s resignation over Watergate. Republican conservatives turned to Al D’Amato, the supervisor of the Town of Hempstead and vice chairman of the Nassau County Board of Supervisors. Like Clifford Case had in 1978, he lost renomination to a more conservative challenger. However, Javits had still won the Liberal Party nomination, so he proceeded as their Senate candidate. The Conservative Party also nominated D’Amato, thus the right had a united front in the election. The Democrats nominated liberal Congresswoman Elizabeth Holtzman, resulting, just like in 1970, a split among liberals. Unlike New Jersey’s Bell, however, D’Amato won by 1.4% on account of the race being three-way, with Javits getting 11% of the vote on the Liberal Party ticket. This was the same dynamic that had allowed James Buckley to win in 1970. Also elected to Congress that year from Brooklyn and Queens was Chuck Schumer. Javits would die of complications of ALS in 1986, falling just short of what would have been a full term, and the Liberal Party would decline in influence afterwards.

Senator D’Amato

Although the majority of New Yorkers hadn’t voted for D’Amato, he sought to make himself more marketable in the state. He moved towards the center and became known foremost for securing funds for and addressing constituent service in New York State, leading his critics to call him “Senator Pothole”. However, he and his supporters embraced this name, and indeed, New Yorkers proved receptive. D’Amato would also go to bat for the state through filibusters. In 1986, he engaged in a 23 1/2 hour solo filibuster on the military appropriations bill for it stopping funding of the building of a jet trainer plane from a Farmingdale, N.Y. company in which he read from the Washington D.C. phonebook (RealClearPolitics). This was the second longest filibuster in Senate history. That year, the Democrats nominated a staunch liberal in Mark Green, the chief speechwriter for Senator Gary Hart (D-Colo.), and D’Amato prevailed by over 15 points, this time with a majority. He was socially liberal on issues surrounding civil rights and gay rights, supporting affirmative action and anti-discrimination laws for homosexuals, and opposing “don’t ask, don’t tell”. D’Amato, however, was conservative on the subject of “law and order”, favoring the death penalty and weakening the exclusionary rule. He also, more controversially for the Democratic and pro-choice New York, had a pro-life record. D’Amato was strongly in favor of defense spending while being more liberal on issues regarding organized labor as well as domestic spending. He would also vote for the Family and Medical Leave Act. In 1992, with reelection looming and drawing a tougher opponent in New York Attorney General Robert Abrams, he conducted the ninth longest solo filibuster, this time regarding the dropping of aid for a typewriter company in Cortland, N.Y. that motivated the firm to move operations to Mexico for 15 hours and 14 minutes, in which he sang “South of the Border” (Down Mexico Way). To this day, he is the only person to appear twice among the top ten solo filibusters of Senate history. D’Amato won reelection by 1.2%. Always cognizant of jobs in New York state, he voted against NAFTA.

Throughout his time in the Senate, D’Amato was the de facto boss of the New York Republican Party, and provided critical support for the campaigns of both George Pataki to the governorship
and Rudy Giuliani for Mayor of New York City in 1994. That year, he sang his version of “Old McDonald Had a Farm” in response to the Democratic crime bill over what he regarded as pork, singing,

“President Clinton had a bill, ee-ay-ee-ay-oh.
“And in that bill was lots of pork, ee-ay-ee-ay-oh.
“New pork here, old pork there,
“Here a pork, there a pork,
“Everywhere pork, pork.
“The president’s bill cost much too much,
“And it must be chopped.
“With a chop, chop here,
“And a chop, chop there
“Chop that pork off everywhere.
“Then we’ll have a bill that’s fair,
“Ee-ay-ee-ay-oh” (Powers).

He would also be accused by critics of running a corrupt political machine, and these claims were bolstered by a Senate Ethics Committee rebuke in 1991 for permitting his brother to use Senate stationery to write a letter to one of his clients as well as a perception that large campaign contributions could result in extraordinary legislative action from him (Harden). In 1995, D’Amato wrote Power, Pasta, and Politics: The World According to Senator Al D’Amato, in which he offered his insights on the politics of his time.

During the Clinton years, D’Amato maintained a moderate conservative record and was acidic in his criticism of the Clintons during hearings regarding the Whitewater controversy. He also attracted particularly strong criticism for his vote against the Brady Bill, as gun control measures poll well in New York. His record as well as his declining share of the vote in a state that had voted for not just Clinton in 1992 and 1996 but also Dukakis in 1988 spelled trouble for his next reelection in 1998.
Although initially former Congresswoman Geraldine Ferraro, who had been the first woman to nominated for vice president on a major party ticket in 1984, was the top nominee for the Senate race, Congressman Chuck Schumer campaigned energetically throughout the summer of 1998 and massively outspent Ferraro. Ferraro’s campaign stalled while he was gaining in Democratic polls and by the September 15th primary, he won with 50.8% of the vote.

D’Amato knew he was at risk, and launched negative attack after negative attack on Schumer, claiming he had a poor attendance record and derided him as a New York City liberal who didn’t care for upstate New York, with Schumer responding constantly and calling D’Amato a liar. He blundered when while making a speech encouraging Jewish leaders to support him, he called Schumer a “putzhead” (this is the Yiddish equivalent of calling someone a “dickhead”) and referred to the obese Congressman Jerry Nadler as “Congressman Waddler” and performed a physical imitation of him. This wasn’t D’Amato’s first time getting negative attention for impressions; during the O.J. Simpson trial he had used a Japanese accent to mock Judge Lance Ito, for which he apologized (USA Today).

Schumer focused his attacks on D’Amato implying that he only focused on local issues when his reelection was coming up and condemned his vote on the Brady Bill, which he had sponsored in the House. On Election Day, Schumer prevailed by 10 points. His lifetime ACU score was a 67% and his DW-Nominate score was 0.182.

In researching D’Amato, I found myself surprised that on a surprising number of meat and potatoes cultural issues he was conservative. From a New York senator, I honestly didn’t expect him to be staunchly pro-life and pro-gun. That being said, a point I have made in the process of my writings is that constituent service can get a politician a long way despite policy disagreements. It worked for Vito Marcantonio of Harlem, New York, the legendary skinflint H.R. Gross of Waterloo, Iowa, and Al D’Amato for three terms. This leads me to ponder, could D’Amato have won in 1998 had he not called Schumer a “putzhead” and beat Strom Thurmond’s filibuster record?


Chuck Schumer for Senate – 1998 tv ad. YouTube.

Retrieved from


D’Amato accused of insulting Schumer. USA Today.

Retrieved from


Harden, B. (1998, November 4). New York’s Veteran ‘Senator Pothole’ Gets Run Over by Schumer. The Washington Post.

Retrieved from


Longest Filibusters in American History – Alfonse D’Amato. RealClearPolitics.

Retrieved from


Powers, R. (1994, August 25). New York’s Singing Senator Voices Objections to Crime Bill With PM-Crime Bill Bit. Associated Press.

Retrieved from


Schumer topples D’Amato in New York Senate race. (1998, November 3). CNN.

Retrieved from


Dee Huddleston: The Man McConnell Had to Beat

Less than a year ago, I wrote about the man Joe Biden had to beat to win his Senate seat, Cale Boggs. Today, I’m writing about the man the Senate’s top Republican, Mitch McConnell, had to beat to win his Senate seat. This fellow is Walter Darlington “Dee” Huddleston (1926-2018).

By 1970s, Kentucky had gotten more Republican than it used to be, given Richard Nixon had won the state in 1960, 1968, and 1972. The Democrats, however, were still overall in a stronger position on a state level. Although the state had two Republican senators throughout the entirety of the 1960s, these were John Sherman Cooper and Thruston B. Morton, far from the most conservative among them, with Cooper siding more with progressives and Morton siding more with conservatives. In 1972, although Cooper was otherwise healthy and would have undoubtedly won another term should he have given it another go, his hearing had declined. The Republicans selected former Governor Louie B. Nunn, who identified with the conservative wing of the party, to run for the Senate. The Democrats picked Huddleston, who was a state senator from Elizabethtown. Although President Nixon had a blowout reelection, this didn’t translate down ticket in the Senate races, with Huddleston besting Nunn by around three points.

Huddleston’s first term record could best be described as moderately liberal, with the ACU giving him a 27% lifetime score and DW-Nominate holding him at a -0.314. On legislation that involved the creation of new government programs and economic regulation, he was supportive. Huddleston backed the creation of the Legal Services Corporation, supported more funds for food stamps, supported continuing price controls, and the proposed Consumer Protection Agency. He also usually supported organized labor such as in his opposition to denying food stamps to strikers but made an exception in his opposition to common-site picketing legislation. On social issues, he often took conservative stances, such as his opposition to busing as a means of desegregation, supporting restoring the federal death penalty in 1974, supporting restricting abortion funds, and opposing extending the deadline for ratifying the Equal Rights Amendment in 1978. Huddleston often avoided the spotlight but was regarded as effective behind-the-scenes, thus he fell into the workhorse rather than showhorse category of politician. This combination of stances worked for Kentucky voters of the time, and in 1978 the popular senator trounced Louie Guenther Jr., a member of the state House of Representatives, by 24 points.

Huddleston was often opposed to the economic agenda of the Reagan Administration, including the 1981 tax reduction and budget cuts, although was a bit more mixed on military policy. Reagan had a blowout reelection, but like with Nixon, this didn’t necessarily translate into coattails. The opponent Huddleston drew that year was the Jefferson County executive (the highest-ranking official in a Kentucky county), Mitch McConnell, who had also been a former legislative aide to Senator Marlow Cook. At first, he was the favorite to win, and McConnell was behind in polling by 17%. In August 1984 the race appeared lost, but one of Roger Ailes’ right-hand men, Larry McCarthy, got an idea for an ad after watching a dog food commercial. One of the major issues McConnell focused on was Huddleston missing major votes to deliver paid speeches, thus Ailes conceived, and McCarthy produced, an ad that became legendary, known as “Hound Dog”, which is from the perspective of bloodhounds looking for Huddleston. This ad is linked in the References section. Within 10 days of the ad, the polling gap was closed. The ad was criticized for accuracy as Huddleston’s attendance record was according to Jane Mayer (2012) of The New Yorker between 1981 and 1984 was 94%. However, Larry McCarthy, the credited originator of the ad, claimed his attendance was not the issue…it was the fact that he had missed major votes to make paid speeches. Additionally, Govtrack’s website on Huddleston shows that he missed 12.8% of votes from January 1973 to October 1984, while the lifetime median of missing votes was 6.9% among the records of senators serving in October 1984. It also shows that he missed 40% of votes from January to March 1984 and 22.2% from April to June, giving the McConnell campaign ammo. His campaign also ran another ad, this one with “Dee Huddleston” running from a man holding his record with a pack of bloodhounds that includes mentions of school prayer and the Panama Canal as reasons for Kentucky voters to vote him out. This ad is also in the References section. Although per ACU scorecard records, Huddleston had voted for a school prayer amendment to the Constitution on March 20, 1984, he had also voted for tabling Senator Jesse Helms’ (R-N.C.) amendment on April 9, 1979 that would have removed federal court jurisdiction over state laws and regulations regarding voluntary prayer and he had voted for the Panama Canal Treaty on April 18, 1978.

On Election Day, McConnell won by 0.4%, the only Republican to topple a Democratic incumbent in the Senate that year. This would be the toughest race he ever faced. Huddleston would in the late 1980s be part of the advisory board of the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR), an organization dedicated to reducing legal immigration, border security, and stopping illegal immigration. He was a senator who worked for his time and place in Kentucky’s history, but the foremost thing he will be noted for historically, fair or not, is being defeated by Mitch McConnell; the New York Times’, the San Francisco Chronicle’s and Courier Journal’s obituary titles mention this fact.


Mayer, J. (2012, February 15). Who Let the Attack-Ad Dogs Out? The New Yorker.

Retrieved from


McConnell – Bloodhounds. YouTube.

Retrieved from


McConnell – Bloodhounds II. YouTube.

Roberts, S. (2018, October 17). Walter Huddleston, Senator Toppled by Mitch McConnell, Dies at 92. The New York Times.

Retrieved from

Schreiner, B. (2018, October 16). Dee Huddleston, ex-Kentucky senator who lost to Mitch McConnell in 1984, dies at 92. The San Francisco Chronicle.

Retrieved from


Sen. Walter ‘Dee’ Huddleston. Govtrack.

Retrieved from


Sen. Walter Huddleston. American Conservative Union.

Retrieved from


Stein, D. (2018, October 19). Sen. Walter Huddleston was a reminder that immigration used to be a bipartisan issue. The Hill.

Retrieved from


Walter ‘Dee’ Huddleston, who lost his Senate seat to Mitch McConnell, dies. (2018, October 16). Courier Journal.

Retrieved from


Paul C. Jones: “Untiring Crusader for Lost Causes”

Missouri’s 10th district, which had the cities of Kennett and Cape Girardeau, was a staunchly Democratic area in 1948, and its representative, Orville Zimmerman, had handily won reelection in years that ate at Democratic numbers in Missouri, such as the 1942 and 1946 midterms. However, he would not get to enjoy the Democratic revival in the state, as he died on April 7th. That upcoming election would return only among the House Republicans Dewey Short of Springfield, a city that remains a Republican stronghold to this day. The beneficiary of this victory in the 10th was Paul C. Jones (1901-1981).

Truman Backer – To A Point

In Jones’ first year in Congress, his record was liberal, backing the Fair Deal proposals of his fellow Missourian, including public housing, but he would prove independent minded by the next year. One subject that he would come to break with Truman on was civil rights. Although he voted for the poll tax ban in 1949, Jones’ district was in an area of Missouri that was culturally Dixie. Therefore, he would oppose Fair Employment Practices legislation and other civil rights measures. Jones would support public housing during the Truman Administration but turn against during the Eisenhower Administration. He was a bit of a maverick but stuck loyally to the traditional Democratic position of lower tariffs and frequently supported increasing foreign aid.

The Lost Causes of Paul C. Jones

Theodore Roosevelt has maintained a great historical popularity, and it was no less so in 1960. However, Jones found it objectionable to establish a memorial to Theodore Roosevelt in the National Capitol, holding that private funds could be used to establish the memorial instead and motioned to recommit the bill on July 1st. He didn’t express any anti-Roosevelt sentiments, simply objecting to public funds being used (Congressional Record). Only 58 other representatives sided with his cause, and President Eisenhower expressed his opposition to Jones’ crusade. Anti-pork legislators H.R. Gross (R-Iowa) and Eugene Siler (R-Ky.) voted to kill this measure as did a number of Southern Democrats. There were also those, notably Leonard Wolf (D-Iowa), who argued against the memorial from a liberal perspective. He questioned spending for this measure when the Eisenhower Administration asserted that the money wasn’t in the budget for additional measures to aid the poor (Congressional Record).

Jones was insistent on maintaining the accountability of elected officials in multiple ways; he proposed to dock pay for members of Congress for missing votes and against the practice of members of Congress bloating the Congressional Record by unlimited insertions. These were really small fries compared to many issues of the day and he voted for measures far more costly than what he railed against, but I suppose someone must push for these things, right?


Jones was on the House Agriculture Committee and there served as a supporter of the intricate system of price supports that makes up American agricultural policy. He was consistently opposed to the Eisenhower Administration’s efforts through Agriculture Secretary Ezra Taft Benson to institute market reforms. Jones was in 1961 the butt of the joke for freshman Congressman Bob Dole. As former Congressman Paul Findley (R-Ill.) (2011) recounted, “One spring day in 1961, Chairman Harold Cooley called on committee members, one after another, to ask questions of the witness, former Governor Orville Freeman of Minnesota, newly appointed as Agriculture Secretary. Cooley asked members to ask only brief questions, nothing more. When Paul [Jones] of Missouri took his turn, he expounded for at least twenty minutes without posing a question. Bob Dole interrupted with these words, “Mr. Chairman, please ask the gentleman to repeat his question.” All laughed except [Jones]” (89)

Opposition to Civil Rights

Among Missourians, Jones stands singularly as the most opposed to civil rights legislation during the civil rights era. He voted against the Civil Rights Act of 1957, the Civil Rights Act of 1960, all anti-discrimination amendments, against the 24th Amendment banning the poll tax for federal elections and primaries.

Jones also, not surprisingly at all, expressed his opposition to the starting gay rights movement. In response to a letter by Franklin Kameny of August 28, 1962, the head of the gay rights advocacy group the Mattachine Society, in advocacy for a change in approach to exclusion of homosexuals from government, he wrote in red ink, “I am unalterably opposed to your proposal and cannot see how any person in his right mind can condone the practices which you would justify. Please do not contaminate my mail with such filthy trash” (Kameny). Kameny, in truth, probably should have not wasted the effort with Jones, who would two years later vote against the Civil Rights Act of 1964. He also voted against the Voting Rights Act of 1965, being the only Democrat in the House outside the former Confederacy to do so. Jones was similarly opposed to fair housing legislation and a bill that would have protected numerous civil rights activities federally from violence.

Increasing Conservatism – Of Jones and His District

During the Eisenhower Administration, Jones proved willing to support a fair amount of legislation expanding government authority and social programs. He supported food stamps, enacting water pollution legislation over Eisenhower’s veto in 1960 and emergency housing legislation also opposed by Eisenhower. However, Jones was also now opposed to public housing and opposed price controls on oil. Jones would oppose the Economic Opportunity Act in 1964 and in 1965 he voted against Medicare but opposed the Republican substitute as well. Although Jones changed a bit during his career, he was always popular in his district. There were elections in which he ran unopposed and he always held opposition to under 40% of the vote. in 1968, Jones opted not to run for reelection and was succeeded by Bill Burlison, a Democrat far friendlier to the national party as well as civil rights. The district’s support of Burlison was based in old habits of voting Democratic, but it would eventually move more in the direction of the conservatism of Jones, electing Republican Bill Emerson over Burlison in 1980. The area has since elected Republicans to Congress. In Jones’ obituary, the Washington Post (1981) noted that an observer had called him an “untiring crusader for lost causes”. This is most fitting for the man who took up causes many would deem too minimal or obscure to take on.


Findley, P. (2011). Speaking out: a Congressman’s fight against bigotry, famine, and war. Chicago, IL: Lawrence Hill Books.

Former Rep. Paul Jones Dies. (1981, February 12). The Washington Post.

Retrieved from


H.R. 8665. Establish Memorial to Former President T. Roosevelt in the National Capitol. Motion to Recommit. Voteview.

Retrieved from


Kameny, F. (1962, August 28). Letter to the Honorable Paul C. Jones.

Retrieved from


Theodore Roosevelt Memorial. (1960, July 1). Congressional Record, Vol. 106, Part 12, 15498-15505.

Retrieved from


South Carolina’s Last Democratic Senator: Fritz Hollings

South Carolina really outkicked its coverage in influence in the 20th century. They had an epic powerhouse in Jimmy Byrnes, and had a highly influential senatorial duo in Strom Thurmond and Fritz Hollings. I already discussed the first two, so its Hollings’ turn.

Ernest Frederick Hollings (1922-2019), commonly known as “Fritz”, got his start in politics all the way back in the 1948 election, when he ran for the South Carolina House of Representatives and won. In this time, he was, like Governor Thurmond and other politicians of his state, a segregationist. Hollings voted for Thurmond over Truman in that election as well, although he would praise Truman later in life. However, also like Governor Thurmond, Hollings was a reformer. He quickly gained the respect of his colleagues and in 1950 he drafted an anti-lynching law that prescribed the death penalty for the crime.

In 1954, he won the post of lieutenant governor and in 1958, was elected the state’s governor. Although Hollings pledged resistance to Brown v. Board of Education during the election and in 1962 the state legislature and Hollings agreed to place the Confederate battle flag flying below the US and state flag atop the Capitol Dome, he proved a moderating influence. By the end of his term on January 9, 1963, Hollings realized the inevitable and pleaded with the legislature to accept court orders for desegregation and for the first black student to Clemson University, declaring, “The General Assembly must make clear South Carolina’s choice, a government of laws rather than a government of men” (The Hollywood Reporter). The tone set by Hollings was of great help in the state mostly avoiding civil rights era violence. In the previous year, he had challenged Senator Olin Johnston for renomination, but the incumbent won. However, for Hollings, just like with Johnston against “Cotton Ed” Smith, the second time would be the charm. By 1966, Johnston was dead and he was running against interim incumbent Donald Russell. Hollings prevailed in the primary and after facing the toughest challenge of his career in Republican Marshall Parker, he started his long Senate career.

The Record of Fritz Hollings

Hollings’ first two years in the Senate marked him as a conservative, and he voted with other Southern Democrats on matters of race. He voted against the confirmation of Thurgood Marshall in 1967 and against fair housing in 1968. Hollings would also during the Nixon Administration oppose the Philadelphia Plan and vote against extending the Voting Rights Act of 1965. However, he would vote for the Equal Employment Opportunity Act in 1972, strengthening the anti-discrimination protections in the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and would vote to extend the Voting Rights Act in 1975 and 1982. This was a quicker pace of change than that of his Republican colleague, Strom Thurmond. Hollings remained opposed to busing as a means for desegregation. He had a good working relationship with the man he once supported for president, and Thurmond multiple times tried to recruit him to his side of the aisle. According to him, Thurmond would say, “Hell, just change parties with me. We’ll get you the consultants, we’ll get you the pollsters, we’ll get you the money. You won’t have to do anything” (Carlson).

The Environment

In 1970, Hollings played a major role in the establishment of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration and would be involved in the passage of major environmental legislation for coastlines and the oceans. However, he had an overall mixed record on environmental legislation. While he supported the Trans-Alaska Pipeline in 1973, he also opposed permitting drilling for oil in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge.

Hollings on Foreign Policy

Hollings was neither a hawk nor a dove on the Vietnam War; he voted for the Cooper-Church Amendment in 1970 cutting off funds for Cambodia operations, but voted against the McGovern-Hatfield “End the War” Amendment that same year. Interestingly enough, on foreign policy generally he was largely hawkish and on one occasion even out-Reaganed Reagan: he was one of only five senators to vote against the INF Treaty and the only Democrat to do so. This hawkishness could also come out in his rhetoric. In response to Japan’s prime minister negatively commenting on American work habits in 1992, Hollings stated to a group of American workers, “You should draw a mushroom cloud, and put underneath it, ‘Made in America by lazy and illiterate Americans and tested in Japan'” (Anderson and Binstein). Despite this, Hollings was also amenable to cutting military spending at times and he voted to give away the Panama Canal.

Hollings and Welfare and Education

Hollings strongly supported food stamp programs, supporting efforts to increase funding and opposing any efforts to limit the program. He wrote a book in 1970 called The Case Against Hunger, which outlined his views on the role of the government in feeding people. However, he drew the line at providing food stamps for people on strike. Hollings was generally a defender of programs that could be viewed as being part of, or extensions of, the New Deal. He opposed any efforts at altering Social Security that would put it in a market direction. However, Hollings did support overhauling welfare overall and providing block rather than categorical grants for it. Although a strong supporter of public education funding and against private incursions, he voted for requiring schools to allow voluntary prayer.

Presidential Run and Budgetary Efforts

In 1984, Hollings ran a rather unconventional campaign for the Democratic nomination. He blasted candidates Walter Mondale and John Glenn and ran to their right: he campaigned on raising taxes and cutting spending in the name of balancing the budget. In short, he didn’t do well. On the day Hollings dropped out of the campaign he said, “I was selling castor oil” (Carlson). He would make an effort in the next year to reduce the deficit.

In 1985, Hollings sponsored with Senators Phil Gramm (R-Tex.) and Warren B. Rudman (R-N.H.) an act placing binding constraints on federal spending. After the mechanism for determining cuts was found an unconstitutional usurpation of executive powers by the Supreme Court in Bowsher v. Synar (1986), Gramm-Rudman-Hollings II was adopted in 1987 with an alternative mechanism. This law proved insufficient at preventing budget deficits, and although there was a balanced budget seen with the Clinton Administration and a Republican Congress, this gave way to more spending after 9/11. Although a fiscal conservative, Hollings was quite good at steering federal money to South Carolina, and this was part of what got him to continue winning reelection in an increasingly Republican state.

Hollings and the Supreme Court

The record of Fritz Hollings on Supreme Court nominations alone would make him a difficult fit in today’s Democratic Party. In addition to the aforementioned vote on Thurgood Marshall, he also voted for controversial Nixon nominees Clement Haynsworth, G. Harrold Carswell, and William Rehnquist. Hollings was even one of only two Democrats to vote for Robert Bork in 1987 and followed up with a vote for Clarence Thomas in 1991. His closest counterpart today on the issue of the Supreme Court would without question be Joe Manchin.

Hollings and Social Issues

Hollings’ record was mixed on abortion, with the pro-choice NARAL giving him a 43%. While supporting banning “partial-birth” abortion multiple times, he rejected a number of other restrictive measures, such as prohibitions on abortions on military bases and a federal law prohibiting the harming of an unborn fetus during the commission of a crime. He was also a supporter of the death penalty, repeatedly voting against restricting it. After all, Hollings had found the threat of the death penalty useful in deterring lynchings in South Carolina.

Economic Populist

Hollings was fiscally and often socially conservative during his career, but on economic policy he was populistic and no fan of trade agreements or deregulation. He also voted against the first round of Reagan tax cuts, known as Kemp-Roth, in 1981. Hollings also routinely voted against Republican proposals for tax reduction and was opposed to decontrolling the price of oil. He voted against President Ford’s unsuccessful attempt to do so as well as President Reagan’s successful effort. In 1993, Hollings voted against NAFTA, but so did his Republican colleague, Strom Thurmond. Indeed, he opposed most trade agreements, voting against free trade between Andean nations, Chile, and Singapore and against normal trade relations with China. Hollings did, however, support normal relations with Vietnam.

Acid Tongue and Gaffes

Senator Hollings was sharp-tongued and sometimes this led to politically incorrect gaffes. He once referred to Senator Howard Metzenbaum (D-Ohio), who was Jewish, as the “senator from the B’nai B’rith” and referred to supporters of the presidential campaign of Alan Cranston (D-Calif.) as “wetbacks” (Hollywood Reporter). In 1993, he traveled to Switzerland for international trade agreement talks. Afterwards he said, “Everybody likes to go to Geneva. I used to do it for the Law of the Sea conferences and you’d find these potentates from down in Africa, you know, rather than eating each other, they’d just come up and get a good square meal in Geneva” (Los Angeles Times). Hollings also referred to President Clinton as “unpopular as AIDS” in South Carolina. His last opponent, Republican Congressman Bob Inglis, he called “a goddamn skunk” and told him to “kiss my fanny” (Carlson). Lindsey Graham, who served with him for two years, defended him. He said of him that he was an “equal-opportunity basher…My Democratic friends have been scorched by that tart tongue as much as the Republicans” and went on to state, “I think people appreciate his independence. He would say something like that and people say, ‘Well, that’s just Fritz.’ He’s a larger-than-life character” (Carlson). His targets often took his barbs in stride…Bob Inglis, his last defeated foe, even held at the end of the campaign that he personally liked Hollings. Hollings’ attitude could be characterized as “no nonsense” and this was reflected in his oft-repeated campaign motto, “performance is better than promise” (Hartsook).

The Senator From Disney

Senator Hollings was known both for receiving a lot of campaign contributions from the entertainment industry and sponsoring legislation for them, particularly regarding copyright protection, that he became known as “the senator from Disney”.
Hollings survived four tough reelection bids, and his final colleague, Lindsey Graham, stated his view on his survival, “He’s tough as nails, and he would fight back unapologetically. And he always delivered for the state as an appropriator, so even if people disagreed with his stands, they figured he was a value-added product” (Carlson).

The Bush Administration and Retirement

Hollings served in his last four years with the Bush Administration. After 9/11, Hollings was involved in drafting legislation to strengthen airport security. He was mostly opposed to the Bush Administration’s initiatives. In 2001, Hollings opposed his nomination of John Ashcroft, and cited as a reason his belief that his former colleague’s religious beliefs disqualified him from serving as attorney general. He regarded George W. Bush as the worst of the presidents he served with, stating of him, “Well, it’s easy to rate who’s the most inadequate. And that’s the present president. Jesus! He doesn’t want to be president. He just likes the politics. He likes to get elected. He likes Air Force One. He starts out nearly every day with a fundraiser. He appears at some police station or some fortified something with policemen and firemen. You know, you gotta get the right pictures for the 7 o’clock news. Then he comes in and works out and sees a movie and goes to sleep. And he allows Condoleezza and Cheney and Rumsfeld to run things” (Carlson). Although Hollings had voted for the Iraq War, he soon became a critic. In 2004, he stated on the Bush Administration’s approach, “Israel long since would have taken us to the weapons of mass destruction if there were any or if they had been removed. With Iraq no threat, why invade a sovereign country? The answer: President Bush’s policy to secure Israel.
Led by Wolfowitz, Richard Perle and Charles Krauthammer, for years there has been a domino school of thought that the way to guarantee Israel’s security is to spread democracy in the area” (Hollings). This commentary was highly controversial.

In 2004, Hollings opted to retire, seeing the direction of the state politically as well as not wanting to become decrepit in office as he had witnessed in his longtime colleague. He stated on the matter, “I’ve seen ’em. I’ve seen Sparkman falling asleep in his seat. I’ve seen others the same way. Poor Strom in his wheelchair. . . . You lose your effectiveness. I’ve been elected seven times, and now it’s time to go home” (Carlson). Hollings also condemned the influence of money on politics on his retirement.

What to Make of Fritz?

Although Hollings started his career conservative and ended it more on the liberal end of things, he was on the whole moderate. On some real bread and butter issues, such as the death penalty, busing, welfare payments, and balanced budgets, he was conservative, but he was also liberal on some key bread and butter issues like opposing income tax cutting if part of it was benefiting the wealthy, opposing any market incursions into public education and Social Security, the environment, and supporting food stamps to the hilt.

Hollings was in truth the sort of Democrat who has become increasingly scarce nowadays. The regions that used to support his sort have become some of the strongest Republican areas and some of his remarks today would be downright cancelable. In 2008, he authored with journalist Kirk Victor Making Government Work, a part memoir, part advocacy book in which he condemns trade agreements and regards campaign financing as at the root of American political problems. He states, “Once spending in campaigns is limited, the big boiler room of party politics in Washington will fade, and congressional politics addressing the country’s needs will take over…. Congressmen and Senators can go to work for the country rather than the campaign. Government will work again” (Daniel).

On his death in 2019, future President Joe Biden stated, “Fritz Hollings was a good man. A patriot who fought for this country in uniform and elected office. A friend who lifted me up when it mattered the most early in my career, and taught, as he’s done for generations of South Carolinians, how to live a life of purpose and service”.


Anderson, J. & Binstein, M. (1992, October 1). Sen. Hollings and His Revisionist Image. The Washington Post.

Retrieved from


Carlson, P. (2004, October 14). The Nitty-Gritty Senator. The Washington Post.

Retrieved from


Daniel, M. (2010, February). Daniel on Hollings and Victor, ‘Making Government Work’. Humanities and Social Sciences Online.

Retrieved from


Ernest “Fritz” Hollings, Former U.S. Senator. (2019, April 6). The Hollywood Reporter.

Retrieved from


Fritz Hollings on the Issues. OnTheIssues.

Retrieved from


Hartsook, H.J. (2016, April 27). Hollings, Ernest Frederick “Fritz”. South Carolina Encyclopedia.

Retrieved from


Hollings, E.F. (2004, May 6). Bush’s failed Mideast policy is creating more terrorism. Charleston Post and Courier.

Retrieved from


Hollings Remark on African Leaders, Cannibals Assailed. (1993, December 16). Los Angeles Times.

Retrieved from